Could North Korea eventually have nuclear missile to reach U.S.?

2013-05-03 — North Korea’s continuing development of nuclear technology and long-range ballistic missiles will move it closer to its stated goal of being able to hit the United States with an atomic weapon, a new Pentagon report to Congress said on Thursday.

The report, the first version of an annual Pentagon assessment required by law, said Pyongyang’s Taepodong-2 missile, with continued development, might ultimately be able to reach parts of the United States carrying a nuclear payload if configured as an intercontinental ballistic missile.

North Korea launched a multi-stage rocket that delivered a satellite into orbit in December, an advance that “contributes heavily” to the country’s development of a long-range ballistic missile capability, the report said.

It is also continuing to refine its atomic weapons capability, including with a nuclear detonation in February, and is capable of conducting “additional nuclear tests at any time,” the report said.

“These advances in ballistic-missile delivery systems, coupled with developments in nuclear technology … are in line with North Korea’s stated objective of being able to strike the US homeland,” the report said.

“North Korea will move closer to this goal, as well as increase the threat it poses to US forces and allies in the region, if it continues testing and devoting scarce regime resources to these programs,” it said.

The document characterised North Korea as one of the biggest US security challenges in the region because of its effort to develop nuclear arms and missiles, its record of selling weapons technology to other countries and its willingness to “undertake provocative and destabilizing behaviour.”

The report comes at a sensitive time in the region, with friction between Washington and Pyongyang only now beginning to ease following two months of increasingly shrill rhetoric that seemed to edge the Korean peninsula close to war.

Tensions between the two countries rose sharply after North Korea put the satellite into space in late December and conducted the nuclear test in February. The test triggered new UN sanctions, which led to a barrage of threats from Pyongyang.

North Korea went so far as to warn of nuclear strikes on the United States and South Korea, as its new leader, Kim Jong-un, marked his first year in office following the death of his father.

The US and South Korean militaries went ahead with a long-scheduled military exercise despite the threats and Washington sending stealth bombers and other planes to the region in a show of force.

North Korea signed a deal to get rid of its nuclear program in exchange for aid in 2005 but later backed out of the pact and now says it will not give up its atomic weapons program.

The United States has firmly rejected North Korean demands that it be recognised as a nuclear-armed state. Washington has stepped up its diplomacy with China over the issue.

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India is helpless before China’s Great Power

2013-05-03 — Indian Defence Minister AK Antony insisted a few months ago that “India of today is not the India of 1962.” He claimed that “successive Governments learning lessons from the past strengthened our capabilities and modernised our armed forces.” Antony was wrong. Successive Governments have refused to learn lessons from the past and have failed to strengthen India’s defence capabilities.

The failures that culminated in India’s humiliating defeat in 1962 are well known: Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru failed to provide adequately for India’s security. His Government, for years, failed to notice Chinese activity in Ladakh. Even after Nehru woke up to the China threat, the Government avoided strengthening the Himalayan defences. The Finance Ministry would not allocate adequate funds for defence. Nehru rejected Chief of Army Staff General KS Thimayya’s proposals to create specialised mountain divisions and to even prepare a manual on Chinese military tactics, out of fear that such actions might provoke China. Having failed to build up defence capabilities, the Government relied on diplomacy to manage China. By the time it learned that diplomacy from a position of weakness does not pay, it was too late.

The defeat in 1962 and the resulting public outrage led to a belated burst of activity to strengthen the defences against China. Ten mountain divisions were created at last. But growing economic troubles soon forced a cutback in defence spending. The newly built up forces required modernisation of their equipment. The India of the 1970s could not afford it.

In the early 1980s India, for the first time in its history, acted proactively to strengthen its defences. Under Operation Falcon — Army Chief of Staff General KV Krishna Rao’s plan for forward defense approved by Indira Gandhi — India began upgrading the long-neglected infrastructure along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). His successor, Gen Krishnaswamy Sundarji, initiated a programme for modernising the Army. The plan involved increasing the mobility and firepower of the mountain divisions and the forming of two air assault divisions.

Thanks to the buildup of Indian military capabilities in these years, India could face China with confidence during the Sumdorong Chu crisis of 1986-1987, the last time the two countries were in a face-off similar to the current standoff in Ladakh. The Indian Army was significantly stronger then than the one the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) had routed in 1962. The Indian Air Force was more than a match for the PLA Air Force. The IAF’s MiG-21 fighters were superior to China’s reverse-engineered copies of early version MiG-21s. Besides, the IAF had recently acquired MiG-23s, MiG-29s and Mirage-2000s. The Chinese aircrafts would have found it difficult to operate from the airbases in Tibet. The IAF, facing no such problem, would have easily won air supremacy in the theatre.

The economic downturn that began in 1988 led to the abandonment of the plan to create air-assault divisions and to the slowing down and eventual abandonment of the Rao plan and the rest of the Sundarji plan. India once again lowered its guard, leaving it to diplomacy not backed by adequate strength to deal with China.

The timing of India’s defence cutbacks was unfortunate. China had started modernisation of the PLA in a big way in 1985. In January 1993, the Chinese government, learning from the lessons of the 1991 Gulf War, began to prepare the PLA to fight “local wars under high technology conditions.” China put in a stupendous effort to improve its Tibetan infrastructure, building roads, airports and a rail line all the way to the border with India. China now has the ability to overwhelm Indian forces at locations of its choosing along the LAC. China has eroded India’s advantage in the air by acquiring combat aircraft capable of operating from Tibet’s high altitude airbases. The Chinese air force recently demonstrated its enhanced capabilities by conducting live fire training exercises in the Qinghai-Tibet region.

India’s defence modernisation, halted in 1988, never really regained momentum even after the economy reached much higher levels of growth and evidence of China’s increasing capabilities mounted. Defense expenditure as a percentage of the GDP has steadily declined over the years, demonstrating the government’s unwillingness to spend adequately on national security. All three services now have serious deficiencies.

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Why does Australia have a Softer tone on China military growth

2013-05-03 — The Gillard government has conspicuously softened Australia’s tone towards China’s military expansion in an apparent bid to consolidate relations with a key trading partner and emerging superpower.

The 2013 Defence white paper also outlines an ambitious plan to build 12 new submarines either from a new design or from an evolution of the troubled Collins-class model.

The submarine program – expected to be the largest single capital works by a Commonwealth government, and priced in the tens of billions – would require a skills boost to Australia’s naval shipbuilding industry.

The paper, released by Prime Minister Julia Gillard, has expunged the provocative language of its 2009 predecessor about the threat that China’s rise could pose to the strategic balance in the Asia-Pacific region.

Ms Gillard denied the government was trying to placate China, insisting there was ”continuity” in Australia’s approach to its biggest two-way trading partner.

The 2009 paper called on China to better explain to its neighbours why it was dramatically expanding its military power. The new paper states Australia’s policy was aimed at ”encouraging China’s peaceful rise”.

While defence experts on Friday broadly praised the new white paper as a realistic and sophisticated blueprint for the nation’s defence, some said it did not adequately acknowledge growing regional volatility as Asian nations engage in what some call an arms race.

The director of international security at the Lowy Institute, Rory Medcalf, said the strategic environment had become worse, not better, in Asia since 2009.

”By most objective measures, the Asian strategic environment has got more hazardous and more uncertain since 2009. And yet I don’t think there is a greater degree of risk and uncertainty expressed in this white paper than in [Kevin] Rudd’s [2009] paper,” Mr Medcalf said.

”I think it could have been a bit more harder-edged and clear about the risks to Australia if … some of these flashpoints arise.” The paper refers to flashpoints emerging over territorial disputes between China and its neighbours in the East China and South China seas.

Strategic analyst Paul Dibb from the Australian National University said the paper didn’t ”insult China” and recognised the importance of Indonesia and India in our wider region.

After weeks of speculation about more spending cuts, Defence Minister Stephen Smith revealed the government would instead modestly increase funding for defence above inflation. This would cover the $1.5 billion purchase of 12 Super Hornet fighters. The white paper maintained a commitment to buying about 75 Joint Strike Fighters.

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China’s drone warfare to reach US military UAV standard in few yeare

2013-05-03 — Determined to kill or capture a murderous Mekong River drug lord, China’s security forces considered a tactic they’d never tried before: calling a drone strike on his remote hideaway deep in the hills of Myanmar.

The attack didn’t happen – the man was later captured and brought to China for trial – but the fact that authorities were considering such an option cast new light on China’s unmanned aerial vehicle program, which has been quietly percolating for years and now appears to be moving into overdrive.

Chinese aerospace firms have developed dozens of drones, known also as unmanned aerial vehicles, or UAVs. Many have appeared at air shows and military parades, including some that bear an uncanny resemblance to the Predator, Global Hawk and Reaper models used with deadly effect by the U.S. Air Force and CIA. Analysts say that although China still trails the U.S. and Israel, the industry leaders, its technology is maturing rapidly and on the cusp of widespread use for surveillance and combat strikes.

“My sense is that China is moving into large-scale deployments of UAVs,” said Ian Easton, co-author of a recent report on Chinese drones for the Project 2049 Institute security think tank.

China’ s move into large-scale drone deployment displays its military’s growing sophistication and could challenge U.S. military dominance in the Asia-Pacific. It also could elevate the threat to neighbors with territorial disputes with Beijing, including Vietnam, Japan, India and the Philippines. China says its drones are capable of carrying bombs and missiles as well as conducting reconnaissance, potentially turning them into offensive weapons in a border conflict.

China’s increased use of drones also adds to concerns about the lack of internationally recognized standards for drone attacks. The United States has widely employed drones as a means of eliminating terror suspects in Pakistan and the Arabian Peninsula.

“China is following the precedent set by the U.S. The thinking is that, `If the U.S. can do it, so can we. They’re a big country with security interests and so are we’,” said Siemon Wezeman, a senior fellow at the arms transfers program at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute in Sweden, or SIPRI.

“The justification for an attack would be that Beijing too has a responsibility for the safety of its citizens. There needs to be agreement on what the limits are,” he said.

Though China claims its military posture is entirely defensive, its navy and civilian maritime services have engaged in repeated standoffs with ships from other nations in the South China and East China seas. India, meanwhile, says Chinese troops have set up camp almost 20 kilometers (12 miles) into Indian-claimed territory.

It isn’t yet known exactly what China’s latest drones are capable of, because, like most Chinese equipment, they remain untested in battle.

The military and associated aerospace firms have offered little information, although in an interview last month with the official Xinhua News Agency, Yang Baikui, chief designer at plane maker COSIC, said Chinese drones were closing the gap but still needed to progress in half a dozen major areas, from airframe design to digital linkups.

Executives at COSIC and drone makers ASN, Avic, and the 611 Institute declined to be interviewed by The Associated Press, citing their military links. The Defense Ministry’s latest report on the status of the military released in mid-April made no mention of drones, and spokesman Yang Yujun made only the barest acknowledgement of their existence in response to a question.

“Drones are a new high-tech form of weaponry employed and used by many militaries around the world,” Yang said. “China’s armed forces are developing weaponry and equipment for the purpose of upholding territorial integrity, national security and world peace. It will pose no threat to any country.”

Drones are already patrolling China’s borders, and a navy drone was deployed to the western province of Sichuan to provide aerial surveillance following last month’s deadly earthquake there.

They may also soon be appearing over China’s maritime claims, including Japanese-controlled East China Sea islands that China considers its own. That could sharpen tensions in an area where Chinese and Japanese patrol boats already confront each other on a regular basis and Japan frequently scrambles fighters to tail Chinese manned aircraft.

Retired Maj. Gen. Peng Guoqian told state media in January that drones were already being used to photograph and conduct surveillance over the islands, called Diaoyu by China and Senkaku by Japan.

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China to end U.S. military Superiority in Asia

2013-05-03 — In mid-April, the Chinese government said the increased U.S. military presence in the Asia-Pacific region causes a lot of tension, and they plan to send more military forces and strengthen their partnerships with neighboring countries. A recent study found that China increasingly threatens to end the military supremacy of the USA.

In mid-April, the Chinese government said the increased U.S. military presence in the Asia-Pacific region causes a lot of tension, and they plan to send more military forces and strengthen their partnerships with neighboring countries.

A recent study found that China’s growing industrial power increasingly threatens to end the military supremacy of the United States (U.S.) in Asia-Pacific waters, making it difficult for Washington to be able to maintain their “status quo” in the region, achieved through its alliances with Japan and South Korea.

The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace published a study of nine U.S. researchers, who claim that “in the next two decades, China will reach the U.S. in its military capabilities, including the ability to build aircraft carriers and stealth type fighter aircraft.”

“Will the United States maintain its leadership of the last 60 years in the area? Our own country says yes, but it is still not very clear whether it is really so,” said one of the report’s authors, Michael D. Swaine, an expert on China’s defense policy.

According to experts, due to the economic interdependence between the two countries, “Beijing will probably prevent the use of military force and not cause an armed conflict in order to try to expel Washington from the region.”

The document also states that the change in the strategic balance in the region most strongly affects Japan, an economic power whose security has depended for a long time on its alliance with the U.S. government.

Experts also believe that Japan could respond to the growing power of China, further tightening its ties with Washington, as it did recently during the escalation of tension that arose from the islands whose sovereignty is disputed between the two nations.

The report concluded that the most likely outcome of this “arms race” will be a “delicate balance” across the region, causing U.S. hegemony to gradually weaken with increasing Chinese military capabilities.

In mid-April, the Chinese government said the increased U.S. military presence in the Asia-Pacific region causes a lot of tension, therefore, they intend to send more military forces and strengthen their partnerships with neighboring countries.

China’s armed forces have always been a staunch force upholding world peace and regional stability, according to a white paper on national defense released on Tuesday.

“China’s security and development are closely connected with the peace and prosperity of the world as a whole,” the white paper says.

According to the document, the country’s armed forces are now mainly engaged in maintaining world peace and regional stability by participating in UN peacekeeping operations, international disaster relief and humanitarian aid, safeguarding the security of international sea lines of communication (SLOCs), and joint exercises and training with foreign armed forces.

Wang Xinjun, a research fellow on war theory and strategy with the Academy of Military Sciences of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA), said, “Taking on the obligations of a major power is an important feature marking China’s entering into the world stage.”

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‘Tough’ China forces India to rethink on Khurshid’s visit

2013-05-03 — China is acting tough and has reportedly told India that it will not remove the tents erected by its People’s Liberation Army 19 km inside the Indian territory on the LAC in Ladakh.

After three flag meetings failed to end the border stand-off, sources say the Chinese have acted ‘difficult’ during the diplomatic negotiations. This may force a rethink on foreign minister Salman Khurshid’s visit to China, scheduled for May 9-10.

Khurshid said that the talks with China over the issue were “not satisfactory”. The Chinese foreign ministry had announced that Khurshid will pay an official visit to China on May 9-10 as a guest of Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi.

According to the Chinese ministry’s official statement, China and India are committed to resolving differences, including border issues, through peaceful negotiations while advancing friendly cooperation between the two countries, to ensure that the differences will not affect bilateral ties.

The two sides are communicating through related mechanisms and channels to solve incidents that happened in the border region, the ministry statement added. While India may still try to tread carefully on the dare from China, it is clear that Beijing realises that India has a weak government and is deliberately trying to push the matters.

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